How NAACP Began

Mary White Ovington

By Mary White Ovington
(Originally Written in 1914)

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is five years old old
enough, it is believed, to have a history; and I, who am perhaps, its first member,
have been chosen as the person to recite it. As its work since 1910 has been set
forth in its annual reports. I shall make it my task to show how it came into existence
and to tell of its first months of work.

In the summer of 1908, the country was shocked by the account of the race riots at
Springfield, Illinois. Here, in the home of Abraham Lincoln, a mob containing many of
the town's "best citizens," raged for two days, killed and wounded scores of Negroes,
and drove thousands from the city. Articles on the subject appeared in newspapers
and magazines. Among them was one in the Independent of September 3rd, by
William English Walling, entitled "Race War in the North." After describing the
atrocities committed against the colored people, Mr. Walling declared:

"Either the spirit of the abolitionists, of Lincoln and of Love-joy must be revived and
we must come to treat the Negro on a plane of absolute political and social equality,
or Vardaman and Tillman will soon have transferred the race war to the North." And
he ended with these words, "Yet who realizes the seriousness of the situation, and
what large and powerful body of citizens is ready to come to their aid?"

It so happened that one of Mr. Walling's readers accepted his question and
answered it. For four years I had been studying the status of the Negro in New York. I
had investigated his housing conditions, his health, his opportunities for work. I had
spent many months in the South, and at the time of Mr. Walling's article, I was living
in a New York Negro tenement on a Negro Street. And my investigations and my
surroundings led me to believe with the writer of the article that "the spirit of the
abolitionists must be revived."
The NAACP is Born

So I wrote to Mr. Walling, and after some time, for he was in the West, we met in New
York in the first week of the year of 1909. With us was Dr. Henry Moskowitz, now
prominent in the administration of John Purroy Mitchell, Mayor of New York. It was
then that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born.
It was born in a little room of a New York apartment. It is to be regretted that there are
no minutes of the first meeting, for they would make interesting if unparliamentary
reading.

Mr. Walling had spent some years in Russia where his wife, working in the cause of
the revolutionists, had suffered imprisonment; and he expressed his belief that the
Negro was treated with greater inhumanity in the United States than the Jew was
treated in Russia. As Mr. Walling is a Southerner we listened with conviction. I knew
something of the Negro's difficulty in securing decent employment in the North and of
the insolent treatment awarded him at Northern hotels and restaurants, and I voiced
my protest. Dr. Moskowitz, with his broad knowledge of conditions among New York's
helpless immigrants, aided us in properly interpreting our facts. And so we talked
and talked voicing our indignation.
Lincoln's Birthday

Of course, we wanted to do something at once that should move the country. It was
January. Why not choose Lincoln's birthday, February 12, to open our campaign? We
decided, therefore, that a wise, immediate action would be the issuing on Lincoln's
birthday of a call for a national conference on the Negro question. At this conference
we might discover the beginnings, at least, of that "large and powerful body of
citizens" of which Mr. Walling had written.

And so the meeting adjourned. Something definite was determined upon, and our
next step was to call others into our councils. We at once turned to Mr. Oswald
Garrison Villard, president of the N. Y. Evening Post Company. He received our
suggestions with enthusiasm, and aided us in securing the co-operation of able and
representative men and women. It was he who drafted the Lincoln's birthday call and
helped to give it wide publicity. I give the Call in its entirety with the signatures since it
expresses, I think, better than anything else we have published, the spirit of those
who are active in the Association's cause.

"The celebration of the Centennial of the birth of Abraham Lincoln, widespread and
grateful as it may be, will fail to justify itself if it takes no note of and makes no
recognition of the colored men and women for whom the great Emancipator labored
to assure freedom. Besides a day of rejoicing, Lincoln's birthday in 1909 should be
one of taking stock of the nation's progress since 1865.

"How far has it lived up to the obligations imposed upon it by the Emancipation
Proclamation? How far has it gone in assuring to each and every citizen, irrespective
of color, the equality of opportunity and equality before the law, which underlie our
American institutions and are guaranteed by the Constitution?
Disfranchisement

"If Mr. Lincoln could revisit this country in the flesh, he would be disheartened and
discouraged. He would learn that on January 1, 1909, Georgia had rounded out a
new confederacy by disfranchising the Negro, after the manner of all the other
Southern States. He would learn that the Supreme Court of the United States,
supposedly a bulwark of American liberties, had refused every opportunity to pass
squarely upon this disfranchisement of millions, by laws avowedly discriminatory
and openly enforced in such manner that the white men may vote and that black men
be without a vote in their government; he would discover, therefore, that taxation
without representation is the lot of millions of wealth-producing American citizens, in
whose hands rests the economic progress and welfare of an entire section of the
country.

"He would learn that the Supreme Court, according to the official statement of one of
its own judges in the Berea College case, has laid down the principle that if an
individual State chooses, it may 'make it a crime for white and colored persons to
frequent the same market place at the same time, or appear in an assemblage of
citizens convened to consider questions of a public or political nature in which all
citizens, without regard to race, are equally interested.

"In many states Lincoln would find justice enforced, if at all, by judges elected by one
element in a community to pass upon the liberties and lives of another. He would
see the black men and women, for whose freedom a hundred thousand of soldiers
gave their lives, set apart in trains, in which they pay first-class fares for third-class
service, and segregated in railway stations and in places of entertainment; he would
observe that State after State declines to do its elementary duty in preparing the
Negro through education for the best exercise of citizenship.
"Silence� Means Approval"

"Added to this, the spread of lawless attacks upon the Negro, North, South and West
� even in the Springfield made famous by Lincoln � often accompanied by revolting
brutalities, sparing neither sex nor age nor youth, could but shock the author of the
sentiment that 'government of the people, by the people, for the people; should not
perish from the earth.'

"Silence under these conditions means tacit approval. The indifference of the North
is already responsible for more than one assault upon democracy, and every such
attack reacts as unfavorably upon whites as upon blacks. Discrimination once
permitted cannot be bridled; recent history in the South shows that in forging chains
for the Negroes the white voters are forging chains for themselves. 'A house divided
against itself cannot stand'; this government cannot exist half-slave and half-free any
better today than it could in 1861.

"Hence we call upon all the believers in democracy to join in a national conference
for the discussion of present evils, the voicing of protests, and the renewal of the
struggle for civil and political liberty."

This call was signed by: JaneAdams, Chicago; Samuel Bowles (Springfield
Republican); Prof. W.L. Bulkley, New York; Harriet Stanton Blatch, New York; Ida
Wells Barnett, Chicago; E. H. Clement, Boston; Kate H. Claghorn, New York; Prof.
John Dewey, New York; Dr. W. E. B.DuBois, Atlanta; Mary E. Dreier, Brooklyn; Dr. John
L. Elliott, New York; Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Boston; Rev. Francis J. Grimke,
Washington, D.C.; William Dean Howells, New York; Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, Chicago;
Rev. John Haynes Holmes, New York; Prof. Thomas C. Hall, New York; Hamilton
Holt, New York; Florence Kelley, New York; Rev. Frederick Lynch, New York; Helen
Marot, New York; John E. Milholland, New York; Mary E. McDowell, Chicago; Prof. J. G.
Merrill, Connecticut; Dr. Henry Moskowitz, New York; Leonora O'Reilly, New York; Mary
Ovington, New York; Rev. Dr. Charles H. Parkhurst, New York; Louis F. Post,
Chicago; Rev. Dr. John P. Peters, New York; Dr. Jane Robbins, New York; Charles
Edward Russell, New York; Joseph Smith, Boston; Anna Garlin Spencer, New York;
William M. Salter, Chicago; J. C. Phelps Stokes, New York; Judge Wendell Stafford,
Washington; Helen Stokes, Boston; Lincoln Steffens, Boston; President C. F. Thwing,
Western Reserve University; Prof. W. I. Thomas, Chicago; Oswald Garrison Villard,
New York Evening Post; Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, New York; Bishop Alexander
Walters, New York; Dr. William H. Ward, New York; Horace White, New York; William
English Walling, New York; Lillian D. Wald, New York; Dr. J. Milton Waldron,
Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Rodman Wharton, Philadelphia; Susan P. Wharton,
Philadelphia; President Mary E. Wooley, Mt. Holyoke College; Prof. Charles Zueblin,
Boston.
Conference

It was thus decided that we should hold a conference, and the next two months were
busily spent arranging for it. Among the men and women who attended those first
committee meetings were, Bishop Alexander Walters, Mr. Ray Stannard Baker, Mr.
Alexander Irvine, Dr. Owen M. WaIler, Mr. Gaylord S. White, Miss Madeline Z. Doty,
Miss Isabel Eaton, besides many of the New York signers of the Call. It was agreed
that the conference should be by invitation only, with the one open meeting at Cooper
Union. Over a thousand people were invited, the Charity Organization Hall was
secured, and, on the evening of May, 30th, the conference opened with an informal
reception at the Henry Street Settlement, given by Miss Lillian D. Wald, one of the
Association's first and oldest friends. The next morning our deliberations began.

We have had five conferences since 1909, but I doubt whether any have been so full
of a questioning surprise, amounting swiftly to enthusiasm, on the part of the white
people in attendance. These men and women, engaged in religious, social and
educational work, for the first time met the Negro who demands, not a pittance, but
his full rights in the commonwealth. They received a stimulating shock and one
which they enjoyed. They did not want to leave the meeting. We conferred all the time,
formally and informally, and the Association gained in those days many of the
earnest and uncompromising men and women who have since worked unfalteringly
in its cause. Mr. William Hayes Ward, senior editor of the Independent, opened the
conference, and Mr. Charles Edward Russell, always the friend of those who
struggle for opportunity, presided at the stormy session at the close. The full
proceedings have been published by the Association.
Membership in the Hundreds

Out of this conference we formed a committee of forty and secured the services of
Miss Frances Blascoer, as secretary. We were greatly hampered by lack of funds.
Important national work would present itself which we were unable to handle. But our
secretary was an excellent organizer, and at the end of a year we had held four mass
meetings, had distributed thousands of pamphlets, and numbered our membership
in the hundreds. In May, 1910, we held our second conference in New York, and
again our meetings were attended by earnest, interested people. It was then that we
organized a permanent body to be known as the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People. Its officers were:

* National President, Moorfield Storey, Boston
* Chairman of the Executive Committee, William English Walling
* Treasurer, John E. Milholland
* Disbursing Treasurer, Oswald Garrison Villard
* Executive Secretary, Frances Blascoer
* Director of Publicity and Research, Dr. W. E. B. DuBois

The Role for Dr. Du Bois

The securing of a sufficient financial support to warrant our calling Dr. DuBois from
Atlanta University into an executive office in the Association was the most important
work of the second conference.

When Dr. DuBois came to us we were brought closely in touch with an organization
of colored people, formed in 1905 at Niagara and known as the Niagara Movement.
This organization had held important conferences at Niagara, Harpers Ferry, and
Boston, and had attempted a work of legal redress along very much the lines upon
which the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was working.
Its platform, as presented in a statement in 1905, ran as follows:

Freedom of speech and criticism.
An unfettered and unsubsidized press.
Manhood suffrage.
The abolition of all caste distinctions based simply on race and color.
The recognition of the principle of human brotherhood as a practical present creed.
The recognition of the highest and best training as the monopoly of no class or race.
A belief in the dignity of labor. United effort to realize these ideals under wise and
courageous leadership.

In 1910 it had conducted important civil rights cases and had in its membership
some of the ablest colored lawyers in the country, with Mr. W. Ashbie Hawkins, who
has since worked with our Association, on the Baltimore Segregation acts, as its
treasurer.

The Niagara Movement, hampered as it was by lack of funds, and by a membership
confined to one race only, continued to push slowly on, but when the larger
possibilities of this new Association were clear, the members of the Niagara
Movement were advised to join, as the platforms were practically identical. Many of
the most prominent members of the Niagara Movement thus brought their energy
and ability into the service of the Association, and eight are now serving on its Board
of Directors.
"The Present Crisis"

Our history, after 1910, may be read in our annual reports, and in the numbers of The
Crisis. We opened two offices in the Evening Post building. With Dr. DuBois came
Mr. Frank M. Turner, a Wilberforce graduate, who has shown great efficiency in
handling our books. In November 1910 appeared the first number of The Crisis, with
Dr. DuBois as editor, and Mary Dunlop MacLean, whose death has been the greatest
loss the Association has known, as managing editor. Our propaganda work was put
on a national footing, our legal work was well under way and we were in truth, a
National Association, pledged to a nation-wide work for justice to the Negro race.

I remember the afternoon that The Crisis received its name. We were sitting around
the conventional table that seems a necessary adjunct to every Board, and were
having an informal talk regarding the new magazine. We touched the subject of
poetry. "There is a poem of Lowell's," I said, "that means more to me today than any
other poem in the world�The Present Crisis.'"
About Us